CELEBRITY
You are going to see a lot of celebration from a lot of people today about the removal of Nicolas Maduro. Why? Because he was a brutal dictator to the Venezuelan people. The question is not whether Maduro should have remained in power. The question is whether the United States could legally conduct regime change without Congressional approval
You are going to see a lot of celebration from a lot of people today about the removal of Nicolas Maduro. Why? Because he was a brutal dictator to the Venezuelan people.
The question is not whether Maduro should have remained in power.
The question is whether the United States could legally conduct regime change without Congressional approval.
Read on to understand what the U.S. Constitution really says about regime change.
This isn’t about defending Maduro. It’s about defending the rule of law.
Let’s break down the legal limits of U.S. power—join the conversation below.
Amid reports and online celebrations claiming the removal of Nicolás Maduro, many people are framing the moment as the fall of a brutal dictator. For millions of Venezuelans who have endured repression, economic collapse, and mass emigration, that reaction is understandable. But before the cheering carries us too far, it’s worth slowing down and asking a different question—one that has less to do with Maduro himself and more to do with the law.
This is not about whether Maduro deserved to remain in power. It’s about whether the United States, if it played a role, had the legal authority to carry out or support regime change without explicit approval from Congress. The U.S. Constitution is clear that Congress—not the president—holds the power to declare war. While presidents serve as commander in chief, that role does not grant unlimited authority to overthrow foreign governments, especially through sustained military or covert action.
Over time, presidents have stretched their powers using justifications such as protecting national security, responding to emergencies, or relying on covert operations. Yet even covert actions are supposed to be governed by law, requiring presidential findings and congressional oversight. Regime change—whether through direct force, proxy support, or intelligence operations—raises serious constitutional questions if it bypasses Congress entirely. International law also matters: under the UN Charter, intervening to remove another country’s government is generally prohibited absent self-defense or international authorization.
So the real issue isn’t celebrating or condemning a particular leader. It’s whether the rule of law still sets limits on U.S. power abroad. If we excuse constitutional violations simply because we dislike the foreign leader involved, we weaken the very legal principles meant to restrain abuse. Defending the rule of law means asking hard questions—even when the answers are inconvenient.